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Jan 26, 2010
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or the administration of the united states. and i will fairly note that this out-of-control spending was not invented with this administration. republicans, when they were in charge, let spending get completely out of control and we betrayed our fiscal base and we paid a heavy price for it. but we deserve to nay price. but now is the time to say stop. stop borrowing against our children and grandchildren's future. stop putting ourselves in a precarious situation where the chinese own so much of our national debt that they have their hand on the throttle of the american economy. and i hasten to add it is not in the chinese interest to hurt the american economy. but it certainly can't be in our interest in any way to be in that kind of fiscal jeopardy. we cannot do that. not to mention the $3.5 trillion that's held by -- in our -- in our debt that's held by foreigners. so i ask my colleagues, let's look at dr. coburn's amendment. it's very thought out. it's well researched. and let's put the brakes on mortgaging of america's futu
or the administration of the united states. and i will fairly note that this out-of-control spending was not invented with this administration. republicans, when they were in charge, let spending get completely out of control and we betrayed our fiscal base and we paid a heavy price for it. but we deserve to nay price. but now is the time to say stop. stop borrowing against our children and grandchildren's future. stop putting ourselves in a precarious situation where the chinese own so much of...
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Jan 6, 2010
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because it has a system founded on different values from those of the united states? or flipping it around, is it fair to allies to create expectations that their contribution to an out of area challenge will always be higher than that of nonallies? i think these are some very practical questions that the project has raised as part of its effort to evaluate in specific terms that was mentioned in the joint statement. in some cases, the studies that we have commissioned also reveal that there are considerable asymmetries between the representative capacities of the united states and south korea to tackle some of the items on the international agenda. i think that to a certain extent although heejun didn't explicit didn't mention it, climate change is one and overseas development is another. but that doesn't mean there isn't a potential for limited cooperation in these areas in ways that re-enforce mutual interests. and so maybe the best way of illustrating that is to make some specific comments on each of the presentations. i think that the paper on climate change prov
because it has a system founded on different values from those of the united states? or flipping it around, is it fair to allies to create expectations that their contribution to an out of area challenge will always be higher than that of nonallies? i think these are some very practical questions that the project has raised as part of its effort to evaluate in specific terms that was mentioned in the joint statement. in some cases, the studies that we have commissioned also reveal that there...
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Jan 25, 2010
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but both in the united states and the united kingdom ultimately these decisions are taken by political leaders, by the president, by the prime minister and in the case of the united kingdom in this particular case, by the decision of the house of commons. >> yes. can i just ask -- 'cause you're in close touch from time to time with your exact opposite, donald rumsfeld, who was as it were the forward edge. did he understand our political constraints and conventions and the needs? >> very much so. and donald is a keen student of british politics and of the house of commons. and would from time to time surprise me by the fact that he had been watching events in the house of commons sometimes more assiduously than i have been and would make reference to what had been said and the debates that were taking place. so he was in no doubt of the -- of the constraints that we were under politically. >> by this stage, how good was the relationship? we're talking to them frequently? did you feel you really had some good straightforward relationship with them? >> i always felt i had a good straightf
but both in the united states and the united kingdom ultimately these decisions are taken by political leaders, by the president, by the prime minister and in the case of the united kingdom in this particular case, by the decision of the house of commons. >> yes. can i just ask -- 'cause you're in close touch from time to time with your exact opposite, donald rumsfeld, who was as it were the forward edge. did he understand our political constraints and conventions and the needs? >>...
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Jan 13, 2010
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its asian neighbors and the united states. this is about two hours. >> today we have with us admiral robert willard, a pacific command, honorable chip gregson, assistant secretary of defense for asian and pacific securities paris, and it david shear, deputy assistant secretary of state for east asian and pacific affairs and we welcome you gentlemen to the first hearing on before this committee. we are pleased you could join us today to testify on a recent security developments involving china. this is a very important -- i wished to welcome his wife, donna, who is sead the good adderall and we welcome you. if the admiral of missteps of it you just whisper in his. help him out. welcome. this is a very important and timely hearing. it's interesting to note that just this morning press reports indicate that google is contemplating pulling out of china which we may discuss a bit in our hearing. i stress the particles of dividends of developments in china to our national security. in recent years while we've been heavily focused on
its asian neighbors and the united states. this is about two hours. >> today we have with us admiral robert willard, a pacific command, honorable chip gregson, assistant secretary of defense for asian and pacific securities paris, and it david shear, deputy assistant secretary of state for east asian and pacific affairs and we welcome you gentlemen to the first hearing on before this committee. we are pleased you could join us today to testify on a recent security developments involving...
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Jan 18, 2010
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and of course, to protect our relationship with the united states. how we able to establish a specific british agenda with regard to iraq? what was that agenda? >> with the difficulty, because, i mean, this was in a sense of the problem of the whole attempt to get mccain on on this, because you had i guess put it in this term, the left of our media, that basically which is opposed to the whole thing, and very aggressive becoming blair is bush's poodle. it was a political hit in that. and on the right, i think a sense that, i don't know, once you got into the whole dossiers and that kind of thing and the bbc became very, very hostile in its coverage of iraq, it was quite difficult to get out any messages undiluted on your terms other than just through the prime minister giving out there talking. but he was difficult that it was very, very difficult. all you can do again, all the prime minister could do is get out there and explain we're not doing this because of george bushwants us to do the. we're doing it because it's in the british best interest to
and of course, to protect our relationship with the united states. how we able to establish a specific british agenda with regard to iraq? what was that agenda? >> with the difficulty, because, i mean, this was in a sense of the problem of the whole attempt to get mccain on on this, because you had i guess put it in this term, the left of our media, that basically which is opposed to the whole thing, and very aggressive becoming blair is bush's poodle. it was a political hit in that. and...
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Jan 25, 2010
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the united states senate. it takes 60% of the house of representatives and the president reserves and preserves his ability to veto. so anybody that says this is somehow unconstitutional, it is fully constitutional. anybody who says we're farming out the responsibility to come up with a plan, that's what we always do. we always have committees come up with plans that then come to a vote of the congress. and if you look at fiscal crises, as the one that we're in today and the one that's rapidly approaching, that will be far more serious than the one today, we have always had a special process. whether it was andrews air force base in the 1990's or the greenspan commission in the 1980's, we have repeatedly, when we faced fiscal crisis, resorted to a special procedure. the bipartisan fiscal task force, as i've indicated, requires a bipartisan outcome. 14 of the 18 task force members must agree to the recommendations. the final passage requires super majorities in both the senate and the house. mr. president, this
the united states senate. it takes 60% of the house of representatives and the president reserves and preserves his ability to veto. so anybody that says this is somehow unconstitutional, it is fully constitutional. anybody who says we're farming out the responsibility to come up with a plan, that's what we always do. we always have committees come up with plans that then come to a vote of the congress. and if you look at fiscal crises, as the one that we're in today and the one that's rapidly...